The day after police fired tear gas and pepper spray into crowds of pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong, China's main state media mouthpiece Xinhua had just one headline on its homepage mentioning the territory by name.
"Hong Kong has already completed its preparations to welcome mainland tourists for the golden week national holiday," the headline read, even as global news organisations beamed live pictures of tens of thousands of protesters paralyzing the center of the city.
Beijing is so afraid its citizens might see images of civil disobedience on Chinese soil it has blocked popular image-sharing site Instagram, adding it to a very long blacklist that includes Twitter, YouTube, Facebook and Google.
Outside the country, many commentators and media reports have portrayed this as a stand-off between Hong Kong student demonstrators and the hard-line Communist regime in Beijing.
But that is not how Beijing sees it.
If past examples are anything to go by, the beleaguered Hong Kong chief executive, CY Leung, will be left to solve the problem by masters in Beijing who may not even be answering his calls.
For even the lowliest county-level Communist party cadre in China, their first and most important responsibility is to keep their jurisdiction stable and "harmonious". If they fail at this, they are usually given a chance to clean up their mess before their superiors decide what to do with them.
Those superiors have very little incentive to take command in the midst of a rebellion and risk being blamed if the situation spirals further out of control.