The company's S-1 lays the groundwork for what is widely expected to be one of the largest initial public offerings of the year, second only to Uber's IPO in May. It's also...Technologyread more
Fraud investigator Harry Markopolos' accusations extended beyond GE's management to actuaries, auditors and analysts who he claims overlooked billions in liabilities.Marketsread more
Trump's tweet comes a day after Apple put out a press release describing the money it spends on U.S.-based suppliers and vendors.Technologyread more
CNBC combed through Wall Street research to see which stocks are still a buy after their earnings reports.Marketsread more
President Donald Trump held a call on Wednesday with the CEOs of three major U.S. banks, according to people with knowledge of the situation.Marketsread more
Despite aggressive strides, Waymo needs one thing before their self-driving cars become a seriously useful transportation system: people. We talked to the ones closest to it.Technologyread more
Scientists say the smoke plumes, filled with megatons of tiny, harmful particles, could travel to other areas of the world and cause serious respiratory problems for people.Weather & Natural Disastersread more
Some Weight Watchers loyalists applaud Kurbo by WW. But nutritionists worry Kurbo promotes an unhealthy relationship with food during an especially impressionable time.Health and Scienceread more
Benefits from what President Trump called "the biggest reform of all time" to the tax code have dwindled to a faint breeze just 20 months after its enactment, writes John...Politicsread more
Epstein, 66, was found in his cell in Manhattan federal lockup Saturday morning and transferred to a nearby hospital, where he was subsequently pronounced dead.Politicsread more
Air travelers faced delays at U.S. airports on Friday afternoon after a computer issue snarled processing of international arrivals.Airlinesread more
Russians may have targeted the Democrats in 2016. But if they sought a GOP crackup, they couldn't have done more than Republicans have done to themselves in 2017.
President Donald Trump opened his term blaming self-seeking predecessors, Republican and Democrat alike, for economic "carnage." On trade, immigration and race relations, he has offered policies and rhetoric that thrill his blue-collar base but alienate the pro-GOP business community and moderate suburbanites.
On repealing Obamacare, Trump gave in to plans by congressional Republicans to cut benefits for the working-class voters who backed him. When the effort collapsed amid public opposition and intraparty resistance, he ripped Republicans for their failure.
Now the GOP tax plan, which rewards wealthy Americans most of all, faces similar risks. After arguing vainly inside the White House for a higher top rate, ex-Trump strategist Steve Bannon threatens populist challenges to incumbent Republican senators. Vice President Mike Pence's top aide suggests a "purge" of Trump critics.
"The GOP is already fractured, but not yet fully broken," says Reed Galen, once a top aide in John McCain's 2008 presidential campaign. What's still unclear is whether Republicans face a complete break anytime soon.
The question sounds odd when Republicans control the White House and Congress. Yet their struggle for a governing consensus demonstrates long-term vulnerability in an economically complex, culturally diverse 21st-century America.
Democratic divisions a half-century ago produced the current partisan alignment. After national Democratic leaders embraced the civil rights movement, conservative white Southerners drifted away from their ancestral partisan home toward the GOP.
Today the GOP's reliance on blue-collar conservatives, which Trump exploited, threatens to repel more college-educated whites, minorities and young voters. Between 2000 and 2016, election exit polls show, Republicans lost substantial ground with those groups.
As America grows less white, better-educated and more culturally tolerant, those defections pose increasing risks. Trump inflamed them with his "many sides" reaction to white supremacist protests in Charlottesville, Virginia; so did the Alabama Senate nomination of conservative Christian extremist Roy Moore, who has defied court orders on church-state separation and spoken of making gay sex illegal.
Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell fiercely opposed Moore. But Bannon rallied Trump voters behind him anyway, disparaging McConnell as "corrupt and incompetent" while warning that populists don't need campaign cash from "the elites, the crony capitalists, from the fat cats in Washington, D.C., New York City and Silicon Valley."
That exposed more than the rift between the Trump White House and congressional leaders. It demonstrated the gap between an affluent "establishment" and working-class Republicans angry over diminished economic prospects and cultural change.
Michael Steele, a former national GOP chairman, sees Bannon leading working-class voters toward a new party of economic populism. Meantime, he fears leaks at the other end of the Republican spectrum from moderates who decide "I can't take this crazy."
"The question is whether the so-called establishment is willing to engage in that fight," says Peter Wehner, a former aide to President George W. Bush and a harsh Trump critic.
So far, the establishment has shown less appetite for battle than for a transactional approach. It embraces the power of a Republican president while ignoring as much as possible his inflammatory conduct and departures from conservative orthodoxy on issues such as free trade.
Yet 2017 has been a nonstop jackhammer on internal contradictions. The low-tax, small-government priorities of GOP leaders and donors collide with the interests of the blue-collar rank and file; the rank and file's raw resentments chafe the sensibilities of upscale Republicans and voters they need in the future.
"The GOP establishment has to decide who it is they represent," Galen said. The son of a top aide to past Republican luminaries Newt Gingrich and Dan Quayle, Galen has decided the party no longer represents him.
Ginny Wolfe, another erstwhile Republican operative, reached the same conclusion. Raised in Kentucky as a "yellow-dog Democrat," she once gravitated to the GOP for its stances on defense and free trade.
She landed a job in Ronald Reagan's White House. She became an ally of Lee Atwater, then a brass-knuckle practitioner of racial politics who she says "would be considered an angel" in today's GOP. During George W. Bush's presidency she headed communications for the Senate GOP campaign arm and advised Republican leader Bill Frist.
Later, Wolfe worked for the ONE campaign aligned with Bush's initiative to fight AIDS in Africa. She calls "social justice and racial equality" top-priority causes but says much of the present-day GOP doesn't even recognize they exist.
She no longer considers herself a Republican; nor does her 28-year-old son. "Most of my Republican friends don't either, whether they'll say it out loud or not," Wolfe added.
"There has to be a reckoning," she concluded. Republicans "need to fear the future."