But while some of Mrs. Clinton's detractors spread the view that she is bought and paid for by Wall Street, the WikiLeaks documents point to a slightly different dynamic. Readers may want to take a closer look not at Mrs. Clinton's speech transcripts — in which she does say a lot of what her audience presumably wanted to hear — but to the remarkably telling back-and-forth of emails among her staff members during the campaign. While the full record suggests that Mrs. Clinton may be a pragmatist, the emails sent by her staff hint that she may be inclined to impose heavier regulations on the financial industry than is fully understood.
For people who don't like her coziness with Wall Street, this bit of nuance may be welcomed. For those who take comfort in her familiarity with the world of high finance, the leftward tug she seems to be feeling may disappoint.
In one email, Mandy Grunwald, a consultant to the Clinton campaign, wrote that her understanding at one point last year "from H.R.C. is that she left her call kind of leaning toward endorsing Glass-Steagall."
Mrs. Clinton has long said she won't reinstate the Glass-Steagall Act, the Depression-era law that separated investment banking from commercial banking. The measure, a bulwark of the financial services industry for decades, was repealed during her husband's presidency, a move that has been blamed, in part, for the financial crisis. That Mrs. Clinton even toyed with endorsing Glass-Steagall is a surprise, even though she never went through with it. "I understand that we face phoniness charges if we 'change' our position now — but we face political risks this way, too," Ms. Grunwald wrote.
In another email message, one of Mrs. Clinton's campaign speechwriters, Dan Schwerin, told others on his team that he had met with Dan Geldon, an adviser to Ms. Warren. "He was intently focused on personnel issues, laid out a detailed case against the Bob Rubin school of Democratic policy makers, was very critical of the Obama administration's choices, and explained at length the opposition to Antonio Weiss," a former banker at Lazard who had been nominated by President Obama for a role at the Treasury, over the objections of Ms. Warren. (Mr. Weiss's nomination was later withdrawn under pressure, and he instead became an adviser to the Treasury.)
Mr. Schwerin continued to describe the meeting with Mr. Geldon and the guidance from their respective bosses: "We then carefully went through a list of people they do like, which E.W. sent over to H.R.C. earlier. We have already been in touch with a number of them, and I asked if he would be comfortable introducing me to the others, to which he seemed reasonably amenable."
Reading between the lines, it is hard to believe that Mrs. Clinton plans to dismiss Ms. Warren's concerns about the appointment of Wall Street insiders to critical government posts — which means that it is unlikely that many, if any, individuals with significant experience on Wall Street will end up in positions of power if she were to win. Maybe Mr. Schwerin was just going through the motions to placate Ms. Warren, but his actions and words seemed more genuine than that, and there was very little he said that was dismissive of Ms. Warren's views. (I've written extensively in this column — often to the consternation of some readers — that it is foolish to disqualify individuals for public service because of their experience on Wall Street, but that's an issue for another day.)